CACC NEWSLETTER

The glory is that this is a government of laws and not of men and that the laws grant freedom and protection to the enemies as well as the friends of American freedom.

The vulnerability is that Angela Davis may successfully take advantage of the laws of this nation to destroy this “government of laws.”

Angela Davis is a Communist and a Black Panther. As a communist, she practices the “science” of Marxism-Leninism. The science of Marxism-Leninism utilizes the social forces of public discontent to create a violent revolution to overthrow the government and to create the dictatorship of the Communist Party which will be “based on force and unrestricted by law.”

If the revolution is successful, the legal system, which protects the rights of all, will be destroyed. Class justice will be substituted for universal justice.

Lenin presents this very clearly in his book, “The State and the Revolution,” which has now been translated into more languages than the Bible or any other book.

Fidel Castro states that his success in consolidating communist power in Cuba was due to the fact that he studied this book thoroughly and learned its lessons well. When he came to power, he destroyed all existing governmental institutions. Soon after communist conquest, every justice of the Cuban Supreme Court became a refugee.

A free society has the duty to preserve its right to protect freedom for all its citizens. One individual does not have the freedom to destroy the freedom of other individuals.

It is not unusual for the freedom of one individual to contradict the freedom of another. Let us consider a practical example. You have an urge to state falsely that you have placed a bomb in the luggage of the plane on which I am to depart to keep a speaking engagement. You utilize your “freedom of speech” and make the statement. The plane is delayed while the luggage is searched for the nonexistent bomb, and I am unable to keep my engagement to speak.

Your exercise of your “freedom of speech” has denied me my freedom to speak.

Laws are necessary to harmonize conflicts in the exercise of freedom. Every law restricts a freedom to some degree. The ideal is when the enforcement of the law will allow the maximum freedom possible to individuals. The law should impose the minimal restraint the total situation allows.

It is not easy to know where to draw the line so that the maximum freedom possible may be enjoyed by all. For this reason legislation should not be hasty or impulsive. It must take into consideration all the factors involved and be based on substantive information. This requires research, meditation, and criticism. Above all it require wise and restrained legislators.

The danger which communism presents to the freedom of all citizens is of such magnitude and imminence that it justifies appropriate laws to avert the peril. To design and enforce such laws without unnecessarily limiting personal freedom is the challenge confronting all who value the right to affirm and dissent.

The communist conquest of power in Cuba through Castro is a classical example of the five steps of communist conquest. These steps are:

During the third stage, the communists design their programs by following the formula: Find out what people want; promise it to them; go to work to get it for them so that you may come to power over them.

There are great differences between these programs and those of the fifth stage during which the communists are endeavoring to forcibly impose their real programs upon the people.

This difference is illustrated by the conflict between the promises made by Fidel Castro while he was a revolutionary leader in the Sierra Maestras and the actual program which he has carried out since he has been in power. These differences are recorded in a memorandum entitled “Castro’s Broken Pledges” prepared for the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee on the Judiciary of the United States by the Legislative Reference Service of the Library of Congress. The conflict between promises and fulfillment is illustrated as follows:

Elections

Promise:

“To declare under formal promise that the provisional government will hold general elections for all offices of the state, the provinces and the municipalities at the end of one year under the norms of the Constitution of 1940 and the Electoral Code of 1943 and will deliver the power immediately to the candidates elected.” Page 1.

Fulfillment:

“Under Castro there have been no elections, and no national parliament or other publicly elected representative body exists. In place of a system of elections and organized political opposition, Castro has substituted what he terms ‘direct democracy,’ through which sanction for the regime’s policies is to come from ‘a constant meeting with the people.’ In practice, the meetings have taken the form of massive open-air rallies at which Castro announces government policies.” Page 2.

Political Parties

Promise:

“Political parties will have one and one right only during the provisional government, namely: freedom to defend their program before the people, to mobilize and organize the citizens within the broad framework of our Constitution and to participate in the general elections to be held.” Page 2.

Fulfillment:

“As a revolutionary, Castro had repeatedly assured the Cuban people of his commitment to the free functioning of political parties. However, when the first signs of opposition to his regime began to organize around Major Hubert Matos, a popular guerrilla hero, Castro moved quickly and ruthlessly to destroy the movement. Matos was arrested, tried and sentenced to prison as a traitor to the revolution. The Matos affair signaled the end of the right to public dissent with the policies of the Castro regime. Castro followed this initial act of repression with measures which, within one year, effectively eliminated all organized political opposition in Cuba. The regime granted legal recognition only to the Communist Party, and it was subsequently incorporated into the government party.” Page 2.

Freedom of the Press

Promise:

“To declare that the provisional government will have to adjust its mission to the following program:*** Absolute guarantee of freedom of information, of the spoken and written press and of all the individual and political rights guaranteed by the Constitution.

“If one begins to close down one newspaper no other newspaper will feel safe—and if one begins to persecute one person because of his political views nobody else can feel safe.” Page 2.

Fulfillment:

“Freedom of the press and public information was reinstated at the beginning of Castro’s regime, but when editorial criticism of some of his policies began to occur in the latter half of 1959, the Castro government responded by imposing strict regulations which severely curtailed press and broadcasting freedom. By the end of 1960, a government-controlled Cuban news service was in operation, and radio and television stations had been organized into a state-controlled network.” Page 6.

Compulsory Military Service

Promise:

“We will not establish military service because it is not right to force a man to put on a uniform and a helmet, to give him a rifle and force him to march.” Page 2.

Fulfillment:

“The Compulsory Military Service Law was officially enacted on November 12, 1963. It provided for a compulsory three-year service period for all Cuban youth, who were divided into two classifications: those who would and who would not be permitted to bear arms. The latter category was made up of youths whom Castro referred to as ‘undesirables, the uneducated, ignorant, parasitical element, the potential lumpen of tomorrow.’

“The compulsory military service requirement, especially as regards Cuban youth in the second category, provided the Castro regime with a cheap, militarized labor corps which has been utilized extensively in the sugarcane and coffee fields.” Page 6.

Labor

Promise:

“To declare that the provisional government will have to adjust its mission to the following program:***Democratization of labor policy, promoting free elections in all unions and federations of industries.” Page 2.

Fulfillment:

“In the first year of his regime, Castro called for the inclusion of Communists in the executive committee of the Confederation of Workers of Cuba. In response to substantial opposition by Confederation leaders, Castro established a committee which, although its ostensible purpose was to purge ‘Batista-collaborators’ among the union leaders, actually acted to remove all union leaders opposed to Communist participation in labor leadership.

“At the same time, the government by decree suspended the right to strike, postponed wage increases indefinitely, and took control of all hiring throughout the nation. Law 647, decreed in the spring of 1960, vested in the Ministry of Labor the right to intervene in all concerns of labor including the unions, and charged it with removing all undesirable union leaders. By 1961, the independent labor union movement in Cuba no longer existed in any meaningful sense.

“In Cuba today, free unions have disappeared and workers are called upon the perform ‘voluntary’ extra-hours labor without compensatory pay. City workers are often transported to the countryside for ‘voluntary’ weekend labor on Cuban farms without remuneration.” Pages 6 and 7.

Castro’s Political Ambitions

Promise:

“Personally I do not aspire to any post and I consider that there is sufficient proof that I fight for the good of my people, without any personal or egotistic ambition soiling my conduct. After the revolution we will convert the Movement into a political party, and we will fight with the arms of the Constitution and of the law. Not even then will I be able to aspire to the presidency of the republic because I am only thirty-one years old.

“Everyone knows how much I respect the civilian institutions of the Republic. Everybody knows that I have not interfered nor shall interfere in the activities of the President of the Republic***Should the President forbid me to speak in public or tell me not to give even one interview I would unconditionally obey this order.” Pages 2 and 3.

Fulfillment:

“Since February 1959 when Fidel Castro assumed the role of Premier of the Cuban revolutionary government, he has remained the absolute governing power in Cuba. . . He is Prime Minister of his government, First Secretary of the Party, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, President of the Central Planning Board and Director of the National Agrarian Reform Institute.” Page 7.

His statements concerning communism, made when he was striving for power and after he came to power, are also contradictory.

Before:

“I have never been or am I a Communist. If I were, I would have sufficient courage to proclaim it.” P. IV

After:

“In December 1961, Castro announced: ‘Do I believe in Marxism? I believe absolutely in Marxism! Did I believe in it on January (1959)? I believed on the 1 January. Did I believe in it on 26 July (1953—attack on the Moncada Barracks)? I believed in it on 26 July***We believe in Marxism,***we believe that it is the most correct, most scientific, the only true theory, the only true revolutionary theory. Yes, I state it here, with complete satisfaction and will full confidence. I am a Marxist-Leninist and I shall be a Marxist-Leninist until the last day of my life.” Page 7.

It should be noted that these inconsistencies are not signs of the hypocrisy of Castro. Rather they show that he is a true communist, a brilliant Marxist-Leninist scientist who subordinates his words and deeds to the immediate demands of the communist revolution.

This record reveals how much trust can be placed in the promises of communists while they are seeking power.

CACC NEWSLETTER

July 15, 1970

ANGELA DAVIS, COMMUNISM AND THE LAW THE PROMISE AND FULFILLMENT OF COMMUNISM	ANGELA DAVIS, COMMUNISM AND THE LAW The spectacle of self-proclaimed communist, Angela Davis, appealing to the courts to compel the Regents of the University of California to hire her as Professor of Philosophy at the University of California, Los Angeles, is simultaneously a revelation of the glory and the vulnerability of America.
The glory is that this is a government of laws and not of men and that the laws grant freedom and protection to the enemies as well as the friends of American freedom. The vulnerability is that Angela Davis may successfully take advantage of the laws of this nation to destroy this “government of laws.” Angela Davis is a Communist and a Black Panther. As a communist, she practices the “science” of Marxism-Leninism. The science of Marxism-Leninism utilizes the social forces of public discontent to create a violent revolution to overthrow the government and to create the dictatorship of the Communist Party which will be “based on force and unrestricted by law.” If the revolution is successful, the legal system, which protects the rights of all, will be destroyed. Class justice will be substituted for universal justice. Lenin presents this very clearly in his book, “The State and the Revolution,” which has now been translated into more languages than the Bible or any other book. Fidel Castro states that his success in consolidating communist power in Cuba was due to the fact that he studied this book thoroughly and learned its lessons well. When he came to power, he destroyed all existing governmental institutions. Soon after communist conquest, every justice of the Cuban Supreme Court became a refugee. A free society has the duty to preserve its right to protect freedom for all its citizens. One individual does not have the freedom to destroy the freedom of other individuals. It is not unusual for the freedom of one individual to contradict the freedom of another. Let us consider a practical example. You have an urge to state falsely that you have placed a bomb in the luggage of the plane on which I am to depart to keep a speaking engagement. You utilize your “freedom of speech” and make the statement. The plane is delayed while the luggage is searched for the nonexistent bomb, and I am unable to keep my engagement to speak. Your exercise of your “freedom of speech” has denied me my freedom to speak. Laws are necessary to harmonize conflicts in the exercise of freedom. Every law restricts a freedom to some degree. The ideal is when the enforcement of the law will allow the maximum freedom possible to individuals. The law should impose the minimal restraint the total situation allows. It is not easy to know where to draw the line so that the maximum freedom possible may be enjoyed by all. For this reason legislation should not be hasty or impulsive. It must take into consideration all the factors involved and be based on substantive information. This requires research, meditation, and criticism. Above all it require wise and restrained legislators. The danger which communism presents to the freedom of all citizens is of such magnitude and imminence that it justifies appropriate laws to avert the peril. To design and enforce such laws without unnecessarily limiting personal freedom is the challenge confronting all who value the right to affirm and dissent. THE PROMISE AND FULFILLMENT OF COMMUNISM The communist conquest of power in Cuba through Castro is a classical example of the five steps of communist conquest. These steps are: 1. The recruitment of young people into the Communist Party. Most recruits come from college and university campuses. 2. The training of these communist recruits so that they are skilled and disciplined officers in the communist army. 3. The scientific exploitation of group self-interest to create a revolutionary situation which can be used to the existing authority. 4. Seizure of power. 5. Consolidation of power by the destruction of the institutions of the former state and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat. During the third stage, the communists design their programs by following the formula: Find out what people want; promise it to them; go to work to get it for them so that you may come to power over them. There are great differences between these programs and those of the fifth stage during which the communists are endeavoring to forcibly impose their real programs upon the people. This difference is illustrated by the conflict between the promises made by Fidel Castro while he was a revolutionary leader in the Sierra Maestras and the actual program which he has carried out since he has been in power. These differences are recorded in a memorandum entitled “Castro’s Broken Pledges” prepared for the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee on the Judiciary of the United States by the Legislative Reference Service of the Library of Congress. The conflict between promises and fulfillment is illustrated as follows: Elections Promise: “To declare under formal promise that the provisional government will hold general elections for all offices of the state, the provinces and the municipalities at the end of one year under the norms of the Constitution of 1940 and the Electoral Code of 1943 and will deliver the power immediately to the candidates elected.” Page 1. Fulfillment: “Under Castro there have been no elections, and no national parliament or other publicly elected representative body exists. In place of a system of elections and organized political opposition, Castro has substituted what he terms ‘direct democracy,’ through which sanction for the regime’s policies is to come from ‘a constant meeting with the people.’ In practice, the meetings have taken the form of massive open-air rallies at which Castro announces government policies.” Page 2. Political Parties Promise: “Political parties will have one and one right only during the provisional government, namely: freedom to defend their program before the people, to mobilize and organize the citizens within the broad framework of our Constitution and to participate in the general elections to be held.” Page 2. Fulfillment: “As a revolutionary, Castro had repeatedly assured the Cuban people of his commitment to the free functioning of political parties. However, when the first signs of opposition to his regime began to organize around Major Hubert Matos, a popular guerrilla hero, Castro moved quickly and ruthlessly to destroy the movement. Matos was arrested, tried and sentenced to prison as a traitor to the revolution. The Matos affair signaled the end of the right to public dissent with the policies of the Castro regime. Castro followed this initial act of repression with measures which, within one year, effectively eliminated all organized political opposition in Cuba. The regime granted legal recognition only to the Communist Party, and it was subsequently incorporated into the government party.” Page 2. Freedom of the Press Promise: “To declare that the provisional government will have to adjust its mission to the following program:* Absolute guarantee of freedom of information, of the spoken and written press and of all the individual and political rights guaranteed by the Constitution. “If one begins to close down one newspaper no other newspaper will feel safe—and if one begins to persecute one person because of his political views nobody else can feel safe.” Page 2. Fulfillment: “Freedom of the press and public information was reinstated at the beginning of Castro’s regime, but when editorial criticism of some of his policies began to occur in the latter half of 1959, the Castro government responded by imposing strict regulations which severely curtailed press and broadcasting freedom. By the end of 1960, a government-controlled Cuban news service was in operation, and radio and television stations had been organized into a state-controlled network.” Page 6. Compulsory Military Service Promise: “We will not establish military service because it is not right to force a man to put on a uniform and a helmet, to give him a rifle and force him to march.” Page 2. Fulfillment: “The Compulsory Military Service Law was officially enacted on November 12, 1963. It provided for a compulsory three-year service period for all Cuban youth, who were divided into two classifications: those who would and who would not be permitted to bear arms. The latter category was made up of youths whom Castro referred to as ‘undesirables, the uneducated, ignorant, parasitical element, the potential lumpen of tomorrow.’ “The compulsory military service requirement, especially as regards Cuban youth in the second category, provided the Castro regime with a cheap, militarized labor corps which has been utilized extensively in the sugarcane and coffee fields.” Page 6. Labor Promise: “To declare that the provisional government will have to adjust its mission to the following program:Democratization of labor policy, promoting free elections in all unions and federations of industries.” Page 2. Fulfillment: “In the first year of his regime, Castro called for the inclusion of Communists in the executive committee of the Confederation of Workers of Cuba. In response to substantial opposition by Confederation leaders, Castro established a committee which, although its ostensible purpose was to purge ‘Batista-collaborators’ among the union leaders, actually acted to remove all union leaders opposed to Communist participation in labor leadership. “At the same time, the government by decree suspended the right to strike, postponed wage increases indefinitely, and took control of all hiring throughout the nation. Law 647, decreed in the spring of 1960, vested in the Ministry of Labor the right to intervene in all concerns of labor including the unions, and charged it with removing all undesirable union leaders. By 1961, the independent labor union movement in Cuba no longer existed in any meaningful sense. “In Cuba today, free unions have disappeared and workers are called upon the perform ‘voluntary’ extra-hours labor without compensatory pay. City workers are often transported to the countryside for ‘voluntary’ weekend labor on Cuban farms without remuneration.” Pages 6 and 7. Castro’s Political Ambitions* Promise: “Personally I do not aspire to any post and I consider that there is sufficient proof that I fight for the good of my people, without any personal or egotistic ambition soiling my conduct. After the revolution we will convert the Movement into a political party, and we will fight with the arms of the Constitution and of the law. Not even then will I be able to aspire to the presidency of the republic because I am only thirty-one years old. “Everyone knows how much I respect the civilian institutions of the Republic. Everybody knows that I have not interfered nor shall interfere in the activities of the President of the Republic*Should the President forbid me to speak in public or tell me not to give even one interview I would unconditionally obey this order.” Pages 2 and 3. Fulfillment: “Since February 1959 when Fidel Castro assumed the role of Premier of the Cuban revolutionary government, he has remained the absolute governing power in Cuba. . . He is Prime Minister of his government, First Secretary of the Party, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, President of the Central Planning Board and Director of the National Agrarian Reform Institute.” Page 7. His statements concerning communism, made when he was striving for power and after he came to power, are also contradictory. Before: “I have never been or am I a Communist. If I were, I would have sufficient courage to proclaim it.” P. IV After: “In December 1961, Castro announced: ‘Do I believe in Marxism? I believe absolutely in Marxism! Did I believe in it on January (1959)? I believed on the 1 January. Did I believe in it on 26 July (1953—attack on the Moncada Barracks)? I believed in it on 26 JulyWe believe in Marxism,**we believe that it is the most correct, most scientific, the only true theory, the only true revolutionary theory. Yes, I state it here, with complete satisfaction and will full confidence. I am a Marxist-Leninist and I shall be a Marxist-Leninist until the last day of my life.” Page 7. It should be noted that these inconsistencies are not signs of the hypocrisy of Castro. Rather they show that he is a true communist, a brilliant Marxist-Leninist scientist who subordinates his words and deeds to the immediate demands of the communist revolution. This record reveals how much trust can be placed in the promises of communists while they are seeking power.