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From Michael D. Antonovich: “Dear Dr. Schwarz, Words
cannot express my disappointment in reading about your retirement. You have
been a leader—an unspoken leader who has championed political and religious
liberty worldwide. You have also been a role model—when I was a college student
your writings provided the beacon of light in charting my political philosophy
through the rocks of the campus leftwing tyranny. It is my hope that you will
continue to write about the threats to our liberties. God bless and best
regards.”
From Harry E. Walkup, M.D.: “Dear Dr. Noebel,
Congratulations! Dr. Schwarz could not have selected a more worthy successor. I
have followed your teachings for many years and look forward to your carrying
the Christian torch. You and Dr. Schwarz had the one essential ingredient for
the salvation of our great nation—TRUTH! With warmest personal regards and the
best of success in your new assignment.”
From Rev. Vernon Stoop, Jr.: “Dear Dr. Schwarz, It was
with mixed emotions that I received your recent newsletter communication
announcing your resignation from the presidency and leadership of Christian
Anti-Communism Crusade after forty-five years. Over that period of time you
have been a tremendous inspiration to me. Having served my present parish for
forty-three years I have continued to espouse your doctrines of morality and
Christian anti-communism. Indeed, you were quite instrumental in my choice of a
seminary graduation thesis which happened to be on the subject of ‘Christianity
versus Communism.’ My mixed emotions, however, come from the news that you
announced David A. Noebel as your successor. Personally, I could think of no
one more admirably suited to succeed you than David. For many years I have
received his newsletter publication. His book Understanding the Times
was in my possession early on and it was subsequently passed along to my
associate Dr. Brown. Dr. Brown in turn attended one of the seminars of Summit
Ministries on the subject of a Christian worldview. He subsequently returned and taught a
course within our parish on that subject and we will be continuing to promote
that cause in a variety of ways. Dr. Brown and I
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likewise serve in para church
ministries within the United Church of Christ on the subject of renewal. He is
the president of ‘Friends For Life’ which is a group within the United Church
of Christ that promotes pro-life issues. I in turn have served for the past
twenty years as the executive director of Focus Renewal Ministries—which is a
Holy Spirit directed renewal ministry within the United Church of Christ. Both
of us have been swimming up stream within our denominational structure that
tends to lean to the far left while we in turn attempt to maintain a standard
of Christian Orthodoxy. Personally I am extremely impressed as to your choice
of a successor and if the opportunity arises I’m hoping that you will pass
along my desires for God’s blessings upon his endeavors. Likewise continued
anointing upon you as you attempt to negotiate the twilight of your life with
Holy Spirit directed empowerment.”
In the next issue of The Schwarz Report we’ll
continue with more letters and comments from friends who are expressing their
heart-felt thanks to Dr. Schwarz for his lifetime effort and dedication to
preserve that valuable commodity called freedom and in the process not be
ashamed of his Christian commitment or its implications.
It goes without saying that if you have been impacted
by this ministry or if you have a particular anecdote to share about Dr.
Schwarz or this ministry, please send these materials to us. And continue to
remember us in your prayers and financial giving. Thanks for your willingness
to stay the course and not grow weary in well doing. For the sake of our
children and grandchildren, we dare not fall asleep at the switch. Hopefully,
the horrendous slaughter of the 20th Century has been a major lesson
for all of us. It should never happen again, but knowing human nature it most
certainly will. As Christians we need to make sure we have done everything in
our power to thwart the strategies and tactics of the Evil One whose whole
career is to steal, kill and destroy (John 10:10).
David A. Noebel, for the editors
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The Great Murderers of Mankind
by
Dr. Fred C. Schwarz
Jesus warned his followers that the day was coming when “whosoever
kills you will think that he is doing God a service.” (John 16:2) The great
murderers of mankind were not those who were motivated by hate, lust or greed,
but those who believed they were doing service for their God.
Consider the motivations and objectives of Marx, Lenin, Stalin, Hitler,
Mao Zedong, and Pol Pot. With the possible exception of Hitler, all others
believed that there is no God; that men and women are merely animals; that
character, ideas, and talents are created by the experiences provided by the
economic environment; that the provision of a new environment can create a “new
man” with superior intellectual, physical and “moral” characteristics; that a
unique organization, the Communist Party, has been given the authority to
forcibly create and impose that new environment; and that they must devote
their lives to the service of that Party and obey all its instructions.
The God of Karl Marx was “History.” History was personalized and given
a will. It not only recorded the past, but also created and predicted the future.
The assurance that they knew “History’s will” provided them with a moral
compass and program for day-to-day activity.
“History” allegedly operated in accordance with
certain laws. These were enshrined in the philosophy of Marx, called
Dialectical Materialism. It taught that reality was invariably a state of
conflict between two opposing forces and that the triumph of one of these
forces was fore-ordained.
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Applying this philosophy, Marx concluded, “hitherto, every form of
society has been based, as we have already seen, on the antagonism of
oppressing and oppressed classes.” (Communist Manifesto) These classes
were the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. The outcome of the struggle was
certain. “What the Bourgeoisie, therefore, produces above all, is its own
grave-diggers. Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally
inevitable.” (Manifesto of the Communist Party, page 60, Progress
Publishers, Moscow edition)
Marx not only described, he prescribed. The workers were not only the
observers and beneficiaries of history, they were also its instruments. It was
their historic calling to destroy and bury the Bourgeois class. For this, the
use of force was necessary. He called force the “midwife” who would deliver the
infant, “Socialism,” from the womb of aging and decrepit Capitalism. He issued
a rousing call for action.
“The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly
declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all
existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic
revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose, but their chains. They have
the world to win.” (page 96)
Marx was a “classist” who predicted and prescribed classicide. He
lacked the means to carry out the extermination of the Bourgeois class as he
desired. However, he inspired others who created the means, the Communist
Party, and thereby initiated the murder of millions. His dedicated disciple was
young Russian intellectual, Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, who chose for himself the
name of Lenin, and who brought the classicidal vision of Marx to fulfillment.
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Jesus Christ, Karl Marx
and Jacques Ellul, part 2
by Dr.
Michael Bauman
Ellul’s own anarchist assertions, he believes, are taught not only in
the Old Testament in its entirety, but also in 1 Samuel 8, which he
identifies as “the main text” on the issue of political power, a
chapter he contends “boils down to three objections” to government,
one being that “political power is always dictatorial, excessive,
and unjust.”
First, Ellul’s assertion that 1 Samuel 8 is the foundational
Hebrew passage on this issue is highly debatable, if not roundly mistaken.
One could argue, as Robert Filmer did three hundred years ago in his Patriarcha,
that Genesis 1 and 2 formed the basis of Old Testament teaching on
government and that from those chapters one discerns that the universe |
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itself
is both hierarchical and monarchical (not anarchic). What the universe is,
written large, as it were, the family is, written small. And government,
Filmer argued, ought to take its cue from the family, of which it was
intended to be the national manifestation or extension. The family, at
least as Filmer understood Genesis, was monarchical in that the authority
of the husband (or father) is singular and unrivaled. The king is, and
ought to be, the father of his nation and should rule (and be honored)
accordingly. The point here is not that Filmer’s monarchicalism is
correct. (I do not think it is. John Locke disposed of that.) The point is
that 1 Samuel 8 is not the unquestionably proper point of departure or
locus of debate, as Ellul too easily assumes. Nor is the point
insignificant for, as Aristotle taught us long ago, he who wishes to
succeed must ask the right preliminary questions. The right question here
is where properly to begin.
In
that light, both Filmer and Ellul notwithstanding, other theologians argue that the place to begin is in Deuteronomy, |
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and
that the Deuteronomic code itself is an extensive and elaborate constitution for
ancient political power, dealing as it does with property rights, family
relationships, labor, freedom, and crime and punishment. Among the numerous
relevant passages to which those theologians point are Deuteronomy 17:8ff.
(wherein the Israelites are commanded to obey the judicial decisions rendered by
the judges and the Levites, upon pain of death), Deuteronomy 16:18ff. (wherein
civil judges are expressly said to be given by God), and Deuteronomy 17:14ff.
(which not only permits an Israelite monarchy and gives rules for its conduct,
but actually indicates that God himself will select the king). Thus it is not
true, as Ellul alleges, that before the incidents in 1 Samuel 8 “the people of
Israel have been without political organization,” or that human government and
political power are always evil and always
opposed by God. Instead, the case was simply that Israel at that time did not
have a human monarch at its head. Prior to 1 Samuel 8, Israel was a theocratic
monarchy, not an instance of pre-Christian, divinely ordained anarchism. This
point is underscored by practices in the age of judges that followed the second
giving of the law, an age in which the theocratic monarchy was still (in theory
at least) in full force, but in which major portions of political power had been
delegated by God himself to human beings and widely dispersed among them. To the
advocates of this view, the books of Deuteronomy and Judges are pivotal, not 1
Samuel 8.
One
could also equally well argue that Genesis 9, wherein capital punishment is
prescribed and delegated to humans to enact at their discretion, is the
God-ordained origin (and endorsement) of even the most extreme political power–that
of the power of life and death over one’s fellows. Perhaps all Christian
theorizing ought to being there, beneath God’s ancient imprimatur.
Still
other exegetes argue that by employing the suzerainty covenant ritual practiced
by other nations while himself dealing with the chosen nation of Israel, God was
indirectly (though not inadvertently or indiscriminately) endorsing human
government and that such passages are crucial, not incidental, to our
understanding of the Old Testament’s teaching on political power. Nor have I
made mention of such diverse Old Testament texts as Exodus 18:13ff. (in which
civil judges are appointed to administer God’s statutes); Exodus 21:23ff. (the
famous lex talionis passage requiring human intervention for the proper
administration of justice); or 2 Chronicles 19:5ff. (which indicates, among
other things, that judges rule not for man but for God himself).
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In short, that 1 Samuel 8 is the pivotal Old Testament text is not at
all clear. While theologians commonly find starting points other than 1 Samuel
8, and while those starting points (and the conclusions to which they lead)
differ, anarchism is rarely named among them, as Ellul argues it ought to be.
Yet, even if one were to begin with 1 Samuel 8, one could not conclude,
as does Ellul, that it endorses anarchism or that it teaches that “political
power is always dictatorial, excessive, and unjust.” The passage in question
deals with Israel’s decision to have a human king once Samuel is gone. Their
desire for a human king is spiritually wicked, not because political power is
always and everywhere inescapably evil, or because monarchy is inherently vile,
but because the Israelites already have God as their king. It simply and
plainly is untrue that in 1 Samuel 8 “monarchical organization is formally condemned”
or that this chapter condemns it “with ad hoc arguments that are always valid.”
This chapter makes no statement whatever about the allegedly universal
perversity or dictatorial propensities of political power in general, or of
monarchies in particular. Ellul’s anarchism cannot be found anywhere in this
text. By contending otherwise, Ellul is failing in precisely the same way about
which he himself warned others: “Anytime we read the Bible to find arguments or
justifications, we wallow in Christian ideology.”
Ellul’s anarchism runs counter not only to the Old Testament, but also
to the Jewish tradition and liturgy to which it gives rise. Jewish believers,
for example, consider it their sacred duty to pray for the welfare of the civil
government and of the society of the land in which they happen to live. This
duty has been enjoined upon them by the prophet Jeremiah (29:7) and reinforced
by the Mishnah (Avot 3:2: “pray for the welfare of the government”). The Jewish
prayer for the welfare of the ruling powers of state, be they royal, executive,
representative, or judicial, is a part of the Sabbath morning service and is
recited after the reading of the Torah and before the Law scrolls are returned
to the ark. According to the Metsudah Siddur, this prayer traditionally
begins: “He Who grants deliverance to kings, and dominion to princes, His
kingship is a kingship of all worlds; He Who rescued David, His servant, from
the evil sword, Who put a road through the sea, and a path amid the mighty
waters; may He bless, preserve, and guard, help, exalt, and make great, and
raise high our Sovereign.” Clearly, these are not the petitions of anarchism.
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The Three Faces of Marxism (conclusion)
by
Dr. Ronald H. Nash
Most so-called Christian Marxists have rejected Marxism-Leninism and
grounded their synthesis of Marxism and Christianity on the Humanistic
interpretation of Marx. However, a major change is in the winds. In some
places, Christian Marxism is now being used to push nations in the direction of
Marxist-Leninist totalitarianism. Liberation theology is being taken over by
Marxist-Leninists.
For decades, Marxist-Leninists opposed the Humanistic version of Marx
and its evolving dialogue with sympathetic Christians. With the advent of
liberation theology, however, and its growing influence in the so-called Third
World, Fidel Castro has taught his Soviet counterparts how they can use
Christian Marxism.
Peasants
and workers with strong religious convictions have often been the
strongest opponents of communism. This has certainly been the case in two
of the most heavily Roman Catholic nations in the world, Poland and
Nicaragua. But thanks largely to Castro, hard-line Marxist-Leninists now
see a way of defusing religious opposition to communism in countries like
Nicaragua. The initial resistance that many workers and peasants have to
communism, an opposition grounded on their religious convictions, can be
weakened by teaching them that Marx’s values were really Christian
values. What can make the situation even more promising is if workers and
peasants are taught the Christian version of Marx by their own priests or
pastors. After much of the initial opposition to Marxism is worn down,
efforts can be made to win the new Marxist converts to the more radical
views of Marxism-Leninism. In this way, liberation theology can be used as
an anesthetic while the patient’s Christianity is removed. Liberation
theology becomes the Trojan Horse by which Marxism-Leninism gains access
to nations that would otherwise have rejected it on religious grounds.
According to many close observers of the scene, including former
supporters of the Sandinistas, this is precisely what is happening in
Nicaragua. As one former ally of the Sandinistas puts it:
Of
course, this awareness of the importance of Christians for the revolution did
not involve a change in Marxist philosophy, nor did it signal an openness or
new tolerance toward
religion. It simply meant a new consciousness of the need to use Christians
and, as a corollary, a tactical decision not to present an openly
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antireligious
face. . . .[R]evolutionary Christians [in Nicaragua] have encouraged other
Christians to support the Sandinista government. They have done this by
reinterpreting Christian beliefs in ways that lead to an endorsement of the
main Marxist-Leninist tenets regarding man and society. They have advanced the
view that true Christianity is, in fact, Marxism.
Liberation theology therefore aids Marxism-Leninism by helping to
remove or weaken religious opposition that is usually the biggest obstacle to a
Communist takeover in traditionally Catholic nations like Nicaragua. Of course,
once Marxist-Leninist totalitarianism does gain control over a nation, all
pretense of support for religious freedom and tolerance soon ends.
As observers of the Nicaragua situation point out, the cooperation
between Christians and Marxists in that country has resulted in many Christians
abandoning their religious faith and becoming converts to atheistic Marxism. It
is interesting to note that in his book Christians and Marxists, self-styled
evangelical José Míguez-Bonino shows little interest in inviting Marxists to
become Christians. One searches in vain through his “dialogues” with Marxists
for any declaration of the gospel.
According to Humberto Belli, revolutionary Christians in Nicaragua
have lent credibility to the
Sandinista contention that they [the Sandinistas] are not Marxist-Leninists but
a novel regime where Christianity and revolution can walk together. They have
served as a visible front to attack the Christian churches and to undermine
their authority and teachings, thus minimizing for the Sandinistas the
potentially high cost of a more direct confrontation . . . [and they have
hidden] from the view of Christians abroad, the fact that there is religious
persecution in Nicaragua today.
While liberation theology in Nicaragua originally inspired Christians
to oppose a right-wing dictatorship, it has become a tool that is now being
used to justify support for a left-wing dictatorship. In Nicaragua, at least,
the Marxist-Leninists have found a Trojan Horse that let them inside the gates
of power.
This essay has examined three interpretations of Marx.
Attempts to interpret Marxism as a force that could bring about Socialistic
democracies that would respect human
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rights were countered by the totalitarian brand of Marxism developed by
Lenin and adapted by Stalin and Mao Tse-tung. A Humanistic version of Marx was
welcomed as an antidote to Soviet-style, Stalinist repression. But the
Humanistic interpretation of Marx was clearly in trouble as an explanation of
the mature Marx’s true convictions and intentions.
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Soviet-style Marxism-Leninism. For more than thirty years, there has been an evolving form of
Christian Marxism which, until recently, sided with the Humanistic version of
Marx. But as recent events have shown, Marxists-Leninists who have no intention
of changing their totalitarianism have found ways of using this Christian
Marxism for their decidedly non-Christian and nonhumanitarian ends. To this
point, it appears, few Christian Marxists seem to comprehend or care about the
extent to which they are being used.
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r “For the past 10 years, carbon dioxide (CO2) has gotten a bad
rap. Despite the fact that
95% of the CO2 emitted each year is produced by nature, environmentalists
started referring to CO2 as a pollutant in 1988 after some scientists
claimed that the 30% rise in atmospheric CO2 over the last 150 years was
attributable to humans and was causing global warming.
In response, Vice President Al Gore in his 1992 book Earth in
the Balance called for ‘carbon taxes,’ stating that ‘killing the
atmosphere with carbon dioxide and other pollutants...is a wilful
expansion of our dysfunctional civilization into vulnerable parts of the
natural world.’ The
evidence shows neither that a modest warming will threaten human life
through environmental catastrophe nor that the recent rise in CO2 levels
is responsible for the measured rise in global temperature.
Carbon dioxide is not a pollutant.
It is tasteless, colorless, nontoxic to humans at concentrations up
to 13 times present levels and is essential to life. Plants breathe CO2, and as they grow and reproduce, they
exhale oxygen, making the earth habitable for humans.
Instead of a disaster, the expected doubling of CO2 due to human
activities will produce a number of benefits over the next century.”
H. Sterling Burnett and Merrill Matthews, Jr., “Mr. Gore, Carbon
Dioxide is not a Pollutant,” Human Events, March 6, 1998, p. 22
r
“The one group in the Western world of which a significant
percentage supported Communism was secular intellectuals.
Many secular intellectuals assessed Communism and capitalism not by
their moral results but by their presumed motives. Communism, these people believed, emanated from noble
motives—equality, justice, concern for the downtrodden; while
capitalism, they believed emanated from selfish motives—profit.
That capitalism has been the socioeconomic engine of every
democracy and has |
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produced unprecedented
wealth for virtually all
its citizens, while Communism led to the slaughter of more people than any
ideology in history (including Nazism—the Nazis had less time) has meant
little to many intellectuals. Legions
of Western professors, writers and artists have at various times
passionately embraced murderous Communist regimes such as those of Stalin
and Mao, and despotic regimes such as those of Ho and Castro.
Why? In large part
because of their tendency to value motives more than behavior—a tendency
that accounts for their belief in the inferiority of the religious moral
character.” Dennis
Prager, The Prager Perspective, February 15, 1998, p. 3
r
“Throughout that [cold] war, we were confronted with the
phenomenon of the ‘Treason of the Intellectuals,’ where large segments
of our intelligentsia collaborated intellectually and politically with our
enemies. The treason took
several forms, whose effects were to aid the political and ideological
dimensions of the Soviet and international communism cold war against us.
Ultimately, it was not just a war between us here and them over
there. It was a war between
two visions of society, two philosophies of life.
It was a moral conflict between truth and falsehood at two
different levels. The
question is: Where did these debilitating and dangerous policies come
from? What is it that
generates the treason of the intellectuals?
The answer, I submit, is our educational system, and in particular,
our elite universities, which are the most subversive institutions in
American society today—more than the media, more than the movies, more
than all the other influences. Because
the rot starts in the head, and only then it spreads throughout the
body.” John Lenczowski,
“The Treason of the Intellectuals,” in Henry M. Morris, That Their
Words May Be Used Against Them, p. 427, 428
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r “Parents can work hard to
educate their children to be patriots and morally upright citizens. But four years of college of the kind I
experienced—where I was surrounded by a culture of drugs, sexual libertinism,
political radicalism and little homework—can destroy the efforts of the best
parents in America. Add to that a few
years of graduate school and the counter-cultural influence can prove to be
irremediable. In one fell swoop,
through these various premises, the intellectuals deny the existence of God;
they deny that God made human life a series of moral choices; and they assert
that they, through the supremacy of their human reason, and not God, are the
creative intelligence of this world.
But I would guess that 95 percent of the social scientists in America’s
elite universities—or could it be 99 percent?—would not sign the Declaration of
Independence if they were honest about it.
They simply do not believe in the first paragraph. They do not believe that rights come from
any Creator. And thus, they cannot
believe in the fundamental tenet of American democracy: majority rule with minority
rights. Because unless rights come from
a higher authority, one with the capability to endow rights unconditionally,
the majority can always attach conditions to rights or deny them to whichever
minority group it chooses to victimize.”
John Lenczowski, “The Treason of the Intellectuals,” in Henry M. Morris,
That Their Words May Be Used Against Them, p. 428.
r “[Hanoi} Jane Fonda sounds the
tocsin calling patriots to action.
‘Most Americans don’t know their tax money is being used for that, and
most Americans don’t want it,’ she declares.
Ms. Fonda, we are given to understand, has a long record of being
attuned to the values of most Americans.
The current cause for her alarm is that Congress has appropriated $50
million per year to encourage sex education programs that promote abstinence
until marriage. Ms. Fonda is not without
support from disinterested patriots.
She has teamed up with Durex Consumer Products, the world’s largest
marketer of condoms (Shiek, Ramses, and Avanti brands), to launch a nationwide
‘Truth for Youth’ program. Says Ms.
Fonda, ‘Abstinence until marriage is based on an unreal world that isn’t out
there.’ Not if the Fonda-Durex team has
its way.” First Things, March
1998, p. 75
r “I would
counsel secular humanists to spend much less of their time accumulating proof
texts on the failings and horrors of religion and much more on what, humanly
speaking, must be the great concern for us late twentieth-century survivors of
the horrors perpetrated in Nazi Germany and Stalinist Russia in the 1930s and
1940s: the face of man after Auschwitz....Obviously secularism and the advance
of science have been no unmixed blessing.
The great horrors of our time have been the work of
secular
anthropocentric societies. The eminent
secular thinkers who inspired us in our youth never prepared us for what
happened.” Seymour Cain, Free
Inquiry, Winter 1993/94, p. 57
r “There was something unique
about the experiment of Communism. For
the first time in history, man attempted to eradicate God fully, claiming that
he held all potential within himself.
And yet Communism drew ‘believers’ in the same way as the Christianity
it abhorred: both Marxist ideology and faith in Christ proved to have the
capacity to fire man’s imagination, to engender his loyalty, to inspire and to
command a willingness to sacrifice. One
belief system is based on a materialistic view of man, the other on a spiritual
view. Whittaker Chambers, a man who
knew the compelling attraction of both, claims that two faiths have been on
trial in this century: faith in God and faith in Man. Communism is a manifestation of the latter. ‘It is, in fact, man’s second oldest faith,’
he explains. ‘Its promise was whispered
in the first days of Creation under the Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil: “Ye
shall be as gods.” It is the great
alternative faith of mankind. Like all
great faiths, its force derives from a simple vision. Other ages have had great visions. They have
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always been different versions of the same vision: the
vision of God and man’s relationship to God.
The communist vision is the vision of man without God.’” Barbara von der
Heydt, Candles Behind the Wall (1993), p. xvi
r “On college and university campuses all over the country, student
governments funnel tens of millions of dollars into left/liberal causes, and
they have been doing this for 25 years.
Many of the most extreme leftwing movements in America derive
significant financial support from the fees that nearly all college students
are required to pay, and which go into the hands of the small cliques of
students who control the student government.” The Phyllis Schlafly Report, April 1994, p. 2
r “The [California Supreme]
Court’s ruling [Smith v. Regents of the University of California] listed
14 ‘frankly political or ideological’ groups to which the student government,
called the Associated Students at the University of California (ASUC), had
given funds from mandatory student fees: ‘Amnesty International, Berkeley Students
for Peace, Campus NOW, Campus Abortion Rights Action League, Gay and Lesbian
League, Progressive Student Organization, REAP (Radical Education and Action
Project), Spartacus Youth League, Students Against Intervention in El Salvador,
Students for Economic Democracy, UC Berkeley Feminist Alliance and Women
Organized Against Sexual Harassment, UC Sierra Club, Conservation and National
Resources Organization and Greenpeace Berkeley.’” The Phyllis Schlafly
Report, April 1994, p. 2
r “The situation in the [American]
universities was appalling. The
Marxists and socialists who had been refuted by historical events were now the
tenured establishment of the academic world.
Marxism had produced the bloodiest and most oppressive regimes in human
history—but after the fall [of the Berlin Wall], as one wit commented, more
Marxists could be found on the faculties of American colleges than in the
entire former Communist bloc. The
American Historical Association was run by Marxists, as was the professional
literature association, whose field had been transformed into a kind of
pseudosociology of race-gender-class oppression.” David Horowitz, Radical Son(1997), p. 405
r “Radical politics had become
the intellectual currency of academic thought.
With no trace of embarrassment, Richard Rorty, one of the most prominent
figures in academic philosophy, even boasted that ‘the power base of the Left
in America is in the universities,’ by which he meant not the students (who
were generally apathetic if not conservative), but the faculties,
administrations, and departments, who tried to recruit students to their
[leftwing] political agendas.” David
Horowitz, Radical Son, (1997), p. 405
r “Conservatives [Kirk,
Sowell, Oakeshott, etc.] who had been historically vindicated by the Twentieth
Century’s epic struggle against Marxism totalitarianism were generally
consigned to obscurity, while radicals who had denigrated and betrayed Western
freedom—political hacks like Angela Davis, intellectual commissars like Antonio
Gramsci, and embittered nihilists like Michel Foucault—were given places of
honor in the academic canon.” David
Horowitz, Radical Son (1997), p. 406
r “Who are the liberation theologians?... [T]here are feminist
liberation theologies, black liberation theologies, Hispanic liberation
theologies, neo-orthodox liberation theologies, evangelical liberation
theologies, Roman Catholic liberation theologies. Liberation theology is taught in virtually every seminary in
mainline Christianity in North America.
And more, it threatens to eclipse the preaching of the Word from the
pulpits of the American churches.” Paul
C. McGlasson, Another Gospel: A Confrontation with Liberation Theology,
p. 16
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