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(thanks to the progressive forces of evolution
and the dialectic). Slavery was imperfect, so the dialectical process led
society into feudalism, which in turn has formed the new synthesis of
capitalism. Unfortunately, capitalism, too, has inherent flaws and
contradictions that have led to the oppression of the working class by the
bourgeois.
Marxists
believe that the proletariat (those without property) and the bourgeois (those
who own private property and/or the tools of production) are clashing within the
framework of dialectical materialism and that their clash eventually will result
in a new, more highly evolved synthesis. This synthesis, which has already been
achieved in the former Soviet Union and the People’s Republic of China (among
other countries), is known as socialism. With the advent of socialism, a whole
new society evolves. Marxists argue that all other social institutions follow
the economic institution. Socialism removes the means of production from the
hands of the minority (the bourgeois) and puts it in the hands of the State, the
Party, or the people. Reports revealed that the East German Communist Party, for
example, was worth billions of dollars. Thus, in a socialist society, all
private property will gradually be abolished and man no longer will oppress his
fellow man in an effort to protect his private property. When all private
property and, consequently, all class distinctions have withered away, the slow
transition from socialism to the highest economic form, communism, will be
complete. What economic form will follow communism will be determined by the
eternal workings of the dialectic, but Marxists are hoping that once communism
finally arrives it will remain for many, many years—some Marxists place the
figure at millions of years.
For
now, communism is the ultimate economic system because it adheres to the maxim,
"From each according to his ability, to each according to his
needs." Whereas socialism is tainted by capitalism and thus will
still reward resources to workers according to their labor, communism will
create a society in which work becomes "life’s prime want,"
thereby doing away with the need for incentives to work. Man will produce
abundantly because he will be freed from coercion, and scarcity will become a
distant memory.
The
ultimate aim of Marxism/Leninism is the creation of a political world order
based on communism that will solve the economic problem of scarcity so
efficiently that each individual will see his every need and most of his wants
fulfilled. Once communist man evolves, he will not want more than he knows is
best for the new world order. Marx pictured the perfect communist society as one
that would require a few hours of work each morning, with afternoons free
for
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recreation, and evenings set aside for
cultural activities.
Economics plays a much
larger role in the Marxist worldview than in either Christianity or Secular
Humanism. In fact, economics acts as a major portion of the foundation for
Marxist sociological, legal, political, and historical views, according to Marx:
"The general conclusion at which I arrived and which, once reached,
continued to serve as the leading thread in my studies, may be briefly summed up
as follows: In the social production which men carry on they enter into definite
relations that are indispensable and independent of their will; these relations
of production correspond to a definite stage of development of their material
powers of production. The sum total of these relations of production constitutes
the economic structure of society—the real foundation on which rise legal and
political superstructures and to which correspond definite forms of social
consciousness. The mode of production in material life determines the general
character of the social, political, and spiritual processes of life."
For
the Marxist, a society’s economic system affects the laws enacted, the type of
government, and the whole role of society in day-to-day life and throughout
history. While every individual would grant that economics affects these realms
to some extent, the Marxist claims that economics dictates their precise
character. Marxism believes that a nation’s economic system controls the
direction of every other institution in that society.
Working
with this premise, Marxists naturally draw the conclusion that one economic
system is superior to all others, because one system must direct society in a
more positive manner than any others. They point to the evils in capitalist
society and conclude that capitalism is an economic system with inherent
problems that poison all of society. Thus, for the Marxist, capitalism must be
replaced with a more humane economic system.
According
to Marx, the key problem with capitalism is that it breeds exploitation.
He says that in capitalist society the bourgeoisie has resolved personal worth
into exchange value, and "in one word, for exploitation, veiled by
religious and political illusions, it has substituted naked, shameless, direct,
brutal exploitation." We will examine Marx’s explanation for
capitalism’s inherent tendency to exploit later, but what is important to
understand now is that every Marxist perceives capitalism as having outlived its
usefulness.
In
modern times, L. Leontyev echoes Marx: "In reality
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The
Dialectic Faith
by Dr. Fred C. Schwarz
Features of the Dialectic
The first feature of the dialectic is the axiom that progress is inherent
in change. The dialectic is a dynamic philosophy. It says that nothing is,
that everything is in a state of flux or development. The dialectic would
teach, for example, that no man can stand twice on the bank of the same
river, for the second time it is a totally different river. In a similar
way, everything is in process of development and change. Around us is a
vast panorama of changing circumstances and conditions. Within the
vastness of this change, there is a principle of developing organization,
there is movement from lower to higher. Hidden within the diversity and
apparent purposelessness of change there is a principle of progress.
The Communists make
no attempt to prove that progress is at the heart of change. It is one of
their axioms. They accept it by faith. In this sense, it is a
pseudo-religious belief.
The word
"progressive" has become one of their basic words. The Communist
bookstore in Los Angeles is called the "Progressive" Bookstore.
The last major political assault the Communists made on the presidency of
the United States was through the "Progressive" Party. The
Communists in labor unions always refer to themselves either as the
"Militants" or the "Progressives."
The Communists apply
this principle of progress in change to their own status within society.
Liu Shao-chi writes: " . . . the question arises: Can Communist
society be brought about? Our answer is ‘yes.’ About this the whole
theory of Marxism-Leninism offers a scientific explanation that leaves no
room for doubt. It further explains that as the ultimate result of the
class struggle of mankind, such a society will inevitably be brought
about."
They are the wave of
the future. Their victory is as certain as the rising of the sun because
the same material law that causes the sun to rise in the morning has
ordained that they shall conquer and rule the world. Of this they have no
vestige of doubt.
Because they believe
this completely, their convictions are undisturbed by any evidence to the
contrary that may appear day by day. They stand above the changing scene
of daily ebb and flow and see the currents and tides of history. The idea
that their faith can be shattered by anything they see at present is naive
to the point of imbalance. Just how widespread the ignorance of this is
was revealed by many of the reasons advanced in support of Khrushchev’s
visit to the United States in September, 1959. An argument frequently put
forward was: Let us show Khrushchev how the people of
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America live; let him see their fine
homes, their modern automobiles, their open churches. When he sees all this
he will be impressed and will realize the error of his previous viewpoint.
Such an argument as this displays gross ignorance of Khrushchev’s
dialectical faith. In the first place, Khrushchev’s espionage system was
such that he was able to discover the most intimate secrets of American
atomic science. To imagine that he needed to come to America to discover how
the American people lived, in what kind of houses they lived and how many
cars they had is utterly infantile. He was equally well aware of the power
and preparedness of America’s military might. But even if this were not
so, even if Khrushchev’s tour of America had revealed to him many
unsuspected facts about the American way of life, none of these could have
changed him fundamentally. For present conditions and circumstances have
little authority to him. Khrushchev is a Communist, not because of the
present, but because of the future. His life is governed by a vision of the
future. The future belongs to the Communists. They will inevitably conquer
the world. You do not judge a building by the temporary scaffolding on which
its builders walk. You see the vision in the mind of the architect.
An analogy may be drawn
from the production of steel. The manufacturer promises a beautiful,
burnished steel. In order to obtain this end product, the metal must go
through certain dirty unattractive stages. At one stage it is treated in the
searing, flaming heat of the furnace. Were you to go to the manufacturer at
this particular stage and say, "You have not kept your word. This is
not steel. It is merely flame and heat. I can’t use this!" he would
look at you in utter amazement.
When the Communists
listen to our arguments based on present circumstances and conditions, they
must certainly be amazed, for their whole program rests on the future.
Khrushchev was well aware of America’s present wealth and power. He is
reported as having said, "Anyone who does not know that America is rich
and strong is unbelievably stupid." This realization merely confirms
his faith in the greater glory of the future Communist state.
It is this future in
which he is interested and in which he firmly believes. In the last
analysis, he believes in the inevitable triumph of Communism not because of
the evidence, but because of his faith in the dialectic. As a true believer
he has lived and labored during forty years of sacrifice, danger and
brutality.
The second feature of
the dialectic is the nature of progress. Dialectical progress takes place in
a certain pattern. The Communist slogan is: "Nature acts
dialectically." Wishing to advance dialectically in a room full of
people, I do not walk through the aisle and straight toward my goal.
Nor
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do I move slowly through the crowd
shaking hands with friends and acquaintances, discussing points of
interest, gradually nearing the objective. The dialectical pathway
is different. It consists of a resolute forward advance followed by
an abrupt turn and retreat. Having retreated a distance there is
another turn and advance. Through a series of forward-backward steps
the goal is approached. To advance thus is to advance dialectically.
The Communist
goal is fixed and changeless, but their direction of advance
reverses itself from time to time. They approach their goal by going
directly away from it a considerable portion of the time. Lenin
wrote the textbook, One Step Forward, Two Steps Back. Chinese
Communist schoolchildren are taught to do the dialectical march
taking three steps forward and two steps back. If we judge where the
Communists are going by the direction in which they are moving, we
will obviously be deceived.
The Communist
method of advance may be likened to the hammering of a nail. It is a
very foolish person who brings the hammer down with a crashing,
resounding blow and then keeps pushing. When the first blow has
spent itself, back must go the hammer in preparation for the next
blow. A person seeing the reverse movement of the hammer as an
isolated act in time and not understanding the process of which this
was a part, might find it difficult to believe that this hammer was
driving in the nail. When he sees the backward swing as portion of a
complete process, he realizes that the withdrawal is as important as
the downward thrust to the realization of the objective.
For those not
trained in dialectical thinking, it is very difficult to understand
that the Communists have a fixed and changeless goal, but that their
method of approach reverses itself all the time. The tendency is to
judge where they are going by the direction in which they are
moving. Many colleges taught, for example, that Communism as
practised in Russia by Lenin and Stalin was a departure from Marx.
They claimed that Marx’s teaching had many good features about it,
but that Lenin and Stalin put into practice something entirely
different. Superficially the argument is reasonable. Take, for
example, Marx’s teaching concerning marriage and what is practiced
in Russia with regard to marriage. Marx taught the abolition of
marriage. The Communist Manifesto says:
"On what
foundation is the present family, the bourgeois family, based? On
capital, on private gain. In its completely
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developed form this
family exists only among the bourgeoisie. But this state of things finds its
complement in the practical absence of the family among the proletarians, and in
public prostitution.
"The bourgeois family
will vanish as a matter of course when its complement vanishes, and both will
vanish with the vanishing of capital."
In the light of this
teaching, it might be expected that in Russia they would be weakening the family
prior to its abolition. The truth is that they are presently strengthening the
family. Divorce is discouraged; puritanic morals are encouraged; rewards are
offered to those who have large families. They are strengthening the family in
every way. Logically it would seem that since they are strengthening the family
in Russia, they must have forsaken Marxism. The Communists, however, think and
act dialectically. They realize that it is dialectical to approach their goal by
going directly away from it. Their ultimate goal is to abolish the family. But
they cannot abolish the family until they have changed human nature; they cannot
change human nature till they control completely the environment that generates
human nature; they cannot totally control the environment until they have
conquered the world and destroyed the present environment; and they cannot
conquer the world unless they develop a more courageous, more patriotic, more
nationalistic people than their enemy. They have found by experience that they
cannot develop a strong, nationalistic, patriotic people without encouraging a
firm family base. They must therefore strengthen the family to develop the
patriotism and courage of the people to increase the power of the Communist
State so that they may conquer the world, establish a Communist dictatorship,
and regenerate mankind. They will then abolish the family. By strengthening the
family, they are dialectically abolishing it. There is no inconsistency here.
They are applying dynamic Marxism.
The same thing applies in
the realm of religion. The ultimate goal of Communism is the abolition of all
religion. Lenin says, "Atheism is a natural and inseparable portion of
Marxism, of the theory and practice of scientific socialism. Our propaganda
necessarily includes propaganda for atheism." It would be logical,
therefore, to expect the persecution of religion wherever Communism is in power.
In many places this is happening, but not in all. In some states under Communist
rule, religion is being patronized and encouraged.
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Putin, KGB,
and Communism
by John Stormer
Readers may recall the
international outrage early in the year 2000 when Austria’s small
Freedom Party gained enough votes to be a part of the nation’s
ruling coalition government. The Freedom Party was headed by Joerg
Haider, whose father had been a minor Nazi official during World War
II
almost 50 years before. Haider himself had been quoted as saying
many conscripted Nazi soldiers were "victims" and not
"criminals."
The 15-nation
European Union threatened all sorts of boycotts and sanctions
against Austria and its citizens if Haider and the Freedom Party
became a part of the ruling coalition. The United States Secretary
of State, Madelaine K. Albright, on a visit to Moscow, called the
chancellor of the upcoming Austrian government to express U.S.
misgivings.
As a result of
media and governmental protests and pressures, Joerg Haider’s
resignation as head of the Freedom Party was forced.
Few noticed the
contradiction and the double standard when a few weeks later,
Vladimir Putin was elected president of Russia. Putin was not just
the son of a man who 55 years before had been a low level Nazi
official. Putin was a 16-year veteran and key member of the
communist KGB, the Soviet FSB, the successor organization to the
dreaded KGB. Insight magazine’s J. Michael Waller said:
"He promptly began to move his allies into key positions and
resumed the KGB’s domestic espionage activities."
On December 20,
1998, Putin showed his nostalgia for the golden days of the Soviet
police state. In a televised address celebrating the 81st
anniversary of the founding of the feared Bolshevik Cheka secret
police, forerunner of the KGB, Putin praised the Cheka but said
nothing to condemn its systematic executions of political opponents.
On December 21,
1999, Putin received leaders of the parties which had won seats in
the Duma, the Russian Parliament, two days before. In Putin’s
office the assembled leaders of the Duma toasted Stalin, the
greatest mass murderer of history, on the 120th birthday of the
Russian dictator. Arnold Beichman of the prestigious Hoover
Institute at Stanford University and longtime student of the world
communist movement said of the toast honoring Stalin in which Putin
participated: "imagine the clamorous reaction were the present
German chancellor to convene a reception in his office and they all
toasted Adolf Hitler on his birthday. An ultra-rightwinger scores
big in an Austrian election and
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cries of alarm are heard in the West. But the
Russian Communist Party tops the parliamentary elections with 25 percent of the
vote and the most seats, 113, in parliament and you hear all kinds of talk about
they’re not really communists.
U.S. Secretary of State,
Madelaine Albright, who expressed misgivings about any participation by Haider
in the Austrian government, spent three hours with Putin a few weeks later and
described him as... "a well-informed problem solver who seems to favor
practical solutions...He’s a man we can do business with."
The Communist Party was
supposedly abolished over ten years ago but still controls the most seats in the
Russian parliament. Putin, who while building a reputation as a
"reformer," has admitted that he personally never left the Communist
Party. In fact, a keen-eyed observer of the CNN TV report on the December, 1999
Russian parliamentary elections spotted Putin presenting his I.D. to the clerk
so he could vote. The I.D. clearly showed the letters CCCP in dark gray on the
inside of the booklet—which was, of course, his official Soviet Union
Communist Party ID. The authoritative British journal, Soviet Analyst
commented that CNN ignored this "curiosity."
In the book, Conversations
with Putin, released a few weeks before his March, 2000 election as
president of Russia, Putin conceded that he never harbored any doubts about
communism or questioned the Soviet system in his 16-year career as a KGB agent.
Putin said: "For better or worse, I was never a dissident."
The former Soviet leader
Mikhail Gorbachev in a pre-election comment on Putin’s KGB past, said Putin...
"shows some authoritarian tendencies but that does not frighten ordinary
people. They think they now need a firm person because we are in such a big
mess."
Putin was elected. He
avoided a runoff in a 14-person race, getting about 52% of the total vote.
Gennady Zyuganov, running as an open Communist, did better than expected and
received 30% of the vote.
So, Putin, with a longtime
background as a communist in the dreaded secret police, became president. Has
his secret police and Communist background in any way influenced his actions as
the president of Russia? During his three months as acting president following
Yeltsin’s resignation and in the days following his own election, Putin:
"Appointed 10 identified former KGB secret police officers to high
government posts out of 24 such jobs; ordered the FSH domestic intelligence
agency, successor to the KGB, to monitor the allegiance of military personnel.
In effect, this created a Putin-controlled ideological police force within
the
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armed services; approved a law providing security agencies
with access to monitor all e-mail in Russia as well as other electronic
traffic on the Internet."
Elena Bonner, widow
of the world-renowned nuclear physicist Andrei Sakharov, a Soviet-era
dissident, said of the orders: "This means Russia has become a police
state."
Despite the fact that
Putin was elected president with the support of most regional governors
and officials, he moved quickly to strip them of their rights to govern,
centralizing all power in the Kremlin. By margins of more than 75% the
Duma lower house passed Putin’s proposals—margins large enough to
override vetoes by the upper house controlled by the 89 regional
governors. The "reformers: gave Putin the power to remove any of the
regional governors from office and starting in 2002 he can appoint their
successors in the Federation Council, the upper house of the Duma. The
changes in effect give Putin dictatorial control over imposing martial law
over the country, the deployment of Russian troops abroad, and the
appointment of the nation’s prosecutor general and the constitutional
and Supreme Court justices.
"As Putin
achieved the first steps in his "reorganization: some voices in the
media, which had gained some independence under Yeltsin, raised
objections. Business tycoon Boris Berezovsky, a Duma member and one-time
Kremlin insider who helped engineer Putin’s presidential victory,
resigned from the legislature in protest against Putin’s moves. In
resigning Berezovsky said Russia was on a path which would be ruinous for
the country. He said: "All power will be concentrated in the
president’s hands. Russia has no chance of surviving under authoritarian
rule."
Another evidence of
Putin’s move toward absolute power is the crackdown on the limited
freedom the media achieved to criticize the government during Yeltsin’s
years in office. Since obtaining power, Putin’s forces (at times he says
without his knowledge) have moved to take total control of the nation’s
three TV networks. They supposedly enjoyed freedom of the press until some
of the TV personalities ridiculed and opposed Putin, who took them off the
air.
Four days after Putin’s
inauguration in May, 2000, what The Reader’s Digest described as
"armed agents in camouflage uniforms and black ski masks raided the
headquarters of Media-Most, Russia’s largest private-sector media
conglomerate and a persistent Putin critic. The agents hauled out files
and equipment; prosecutors said the raid was part of an investigation of
banking irregularities and violations of privacy."
Three weeks later,
Media-Most’s NTV networks was forced by the Kremlin to censor its
broadcasts of a satirical puppet show that gained national following for
ridiculing Russia’s ruling elite, including Putin.
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A month
later, Vladimir Gusinsky, Media-Most’s owner, was jailed and accused of
swindling $10 million from the government in a privatization deal. After
what The Readers’ Digest called "an international
outcry" Putin questioned whether prosecutors had gone too far and
Gusinsky was released. However, the harassment continued until in a
predawn raid on Saturday, April 14, 2001, Gazprom, the government
controlled natural gas monopoly seized control, ending the only remotely
independent mass media outlet in Russia.
When questioned,
Putin told German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder the NTV takeover was not a
freedom of the press issue. It was just a business deal like General
Electric acquiring the NBC network.
As Putin moved for
control of the media, the government ousted Russia’s most popular and
controversial news magazine, the Sergei Dorenko Show. Dorenko said
his fate was sealed after an August 29 meeting with the President when
Dorenko resisted Putin’s request that the broadcaster "play on his
team." When Dorenko resisted and criticized Putin, saying his team
consisted of his 40-million viewers, the program was canceled four days
later. The Washington Post commented: "The event seems to be
part of a series of actions taken by Putin to rein in the media since he
became acting president on New Year’s Eve as the handpicked successor to
Boris Yeltsin and then was elected on March 26."
In protest, Boris
Berezovsky, a Kremlin insider who months earlier had broken with Putin,
was in Washington DC where he said, Putin... "...wants to combine all
political power—executive, legislative, judicial—in his own hands.
There is no real opposition in Russia today whatsoever."
The crackdown against
those who fail to give Putin the regard he apparently expects extends even
to seventeen-year-old girls. The British Broadcasting Corporation reported
that Anna Provorova, an outstanding student, lost her medical school
appointment as a result of a letter she wrote to Putin. In keeping with
the Russian tradition of cutting through red tape by writing directly to
the Tsars for help, Anna went to the top requesting a video camera to film
her school-leaving (graduation) ceremony.
Soon inspectors
arrived at her school and ordered her to write an explanation for her
"disrespectful letter." Her crime? She forgot the customary
exclamation mark at the end of the greeting "Esteemed Vladimir
Vladimirovich Putin!" She also used the Russian word for
"you" in addressing Putin without starting with a capital
"Y". The inspectors ordered that Anna’s final grades be marked
down and her silver graduation medal—her passport to medical school be
withdrawn. Instead, Anna was to attend a local training school for dairy
workers.
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continued
from page 2
capitalism exposes the bulk of the population, the working
people, to exploitation by an insignificant minority. An insecure life, an
uncertain future and worsening living conditions, such is the lot of
millions of working people in capitalist society. The mechanics of
capitalist society is such that the workers constantly remain propertyless
proletarians whose only choice is to sell their labour power."
Marx
denied every positive aspect of capitalism. He believed that any benefits
resulting from private property could not justify tolerating a capitalist
system, saying, "You are horrified at our intending to do away with
private property. But in your existing society, private property is
already done away with for nine-tenths of the population; its existence
for the few is solely due to its nonexistence in the hands of those
nine-tenths."
Have
the Marxists changed their views about capitalism since Marx’s time? Not
significantly. "The social effects of capitalism," writes
Kenneth Neill Cameron, "are clearly still basically the same as when
Engels saw them in 1845. The worker is still sold, as in the 1840s, ‘like
a piece of goods.’ The masses are still doped with drink and religion,
still fleeced by patent medicine firms, still thrown on the scrap heap
when old; families are still riven by conflicts arising inevitably from
exploitation and oppression; prostitution is still rife; crime rampant;
the prisons full. Workers are still killed or maimed by the thousands in
industrial accidents and slowly poisoned by chemicals at their work,
probably at a higher rate than in Engel’s day. To these horrors,
monopoly capitalism had added those of massive war, whose half-human
victims are hidden away by the millions in hospitals and psychiatric
institutions; and it now threatens humanity with nuclear destruction and
chemical and bacteriological warfare."
Yet
Marxist attitudes toward capitalism have changed since the time of Engels
and Marx in one sense: Marxists in charge of actual socialistic states
have shown themselves willing to fall back on capitalistic methods as a
practical means of saving their economies. For example, Lenin reversed
himself and allowed possession of private property to rejuvenate the
Soviet economy in the early 1920s (calling his program "The New
Economic Policy"), and Mikhail Gorbachev, an avowed Leninist
and socialist, tried to use similar methods under the new name perestroika.
For both Lenin and Gorbachev—indeed, for Marxists everywhere—it is
simply a matter of perspective: capitalism is seen as a necessary evil, a
means to an end; the end itself is socialism/communism.
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Capitalism’s Self-Destruction
According to the Marxist, capitalism is so
destructive that it will eventually destroy itself. Marxists believe that
the system of exploitation will simply exploit more and more people until
virtually everyone is a member of the proletariat. "All the social
functions of the capitalist are now performed by salaried employees,"
says Engels. "The capitalist has no further social function than that
of pocketing dividends, tearing off coupons, and gambling on the Stock
Exchange, where the different capitalists despoil one another of their
capital. At first the capitalistic mode of production forces out the
workers. Now it forces out the capitalists, and reduces them, just as it
reduced the workers, to the ranks of the surplus population.
. . ."
Engels
goes on to describe what happens next: "Whilst the capitalist mode of
production more and more completely transforms the great majority of the
population into proletarians, it creates the power which, under penalty of
its own destruction, is forced to accomplish this revolution. Whilst it
forces on more and more the transformation of the vast means of
production, already socialized, into state property, it shows itself the
way to accomplishing this revolution. The proletariat seizes political
power and turns the means of production into state property."
This
revolt by the proletariat is crucial for assisting the downfall of
capitalism. The proletariat must act as the catalyst for the creation of
the new system. Moscow’s Political Dictionary states,
"Capitalism is the last social system founded on the exploitation of
man by man. Under capitalism all the resources of society are in the hands
of a small group of private owners—capitalists and landowners—who
exploit the workers and peasants. The bourgeois state defends the
interests of the capitalists and landowners. The church and school,
science and art are all put into the service of capitalist exploitation.
The extremely sharp class conflict between the exploiters and the
exploited constitutes the basic trait of the capitalist system. The
development of capitalism inevitably leads to its downfall. However, the
system of exploitations does not disappear of itself. It is destroyed only
as the result of the revolutionary struggle and the victory of the
proletariat."
On
the surface it would appear that Marxists are not at all certain of the
victory of the proletariat and the self-destruction of capitalism.
However, once the dialectic is taken into account, this uncertainty
vanishes. For Marxists, it is historically inevitable: the thesis
(bourgeoisie) and the antithesis (proletariat) must clash and
create a synthesis—socialism—and socialism guarantees the advent of
communism.
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